What Does America Want? What Do We Want?
Dr. Khaled M. Batarfi, kbatarfi@al-madina.com
When asked by the Australian ABC Radio if I thought the war on Iraq was a Christian crusade against Islam and Muslims, I said no. In my opinion, this was a war led by an American administration driven by greed, religious convictions, ignorance and arrogance.
The trouble is, not every Muslim and Arab understands matters this way. Unlike the last Gulf War, the soldiers who fought in Iraq were mostly Protestant Christians. I try to explain things to my audience. Fortunately, I am helped by the millions of anti-war Christians who demonstrated en masse and made their stand known to their leaders and the world.
An Australian lady called the same day the interview was broadcast. She obviously did some research to get my office number. What she told me touched my heart and brought tears to my eyes. “Not in my name!” she said. “Not in my children’s name, and certainly not in my religion’s name was this war conducted. Thank you for telling your fellow Muslims and Arabs this truth. Please, in the name of God, keep fighting to spread this message. I know it is an uphill battle, but I promise you I will protest in every possible way, and you promise me to tell your people about us, the good, decent and peaceful Christians of the world.” I promised.
But all this is behind us now, and what is done is done. America is here now and I am willing to give her the benefit of the doubt. After all, we did get rid of a dictator, the Iraqis are liberated from an oppressive regime, and some of our worst fears were not realized — prolonged war, masses of refugees, and environmental catastrophes. These balance the realized fears: That we are unprepared for a power vacuum, lawlessness and ethnic-religious tension.
Now that we are neighbors, we need to be on good terms. We need our stronger neighbor to maintain peace and stability, and our neighbor needs us to help out with the advertised project of making the region more democratic, advanced and peaceful for the benefit of its people, the US and the world. If we agree that we need each other for a better future, the question becomes: What do we want from America, and what does America want from us?
I will start with what we want from America, since I know this part better. Next, I would like to hear from my American friends, readers, and officials what the US, country and people, want from us. This communication line will be my two-cent contribution to better Arab-US understanding, trust and friendship.
First: We need peace. You can’t have freedom and democracy, investment and prosperity in a war zone. What we know about the road map to peace is good enough to demand immediate publication and implementation. The Palestinians accepted the plan “as is”; the Israelis want to fundamentally change it. We expect the US to prove its good intentions and impartiality by demanding full acceptance and implementation from both parties, and rigorous supervision from the plan’s sponsors (the UN, the European Union, the USand Russia).
Second: We need reforms. Iraq is a test America cannot afford to fail. If Iraq can be modeled into a prosperous democracy while preserving its cultural heritage, territorial integrity, and racial cohesion, other countries could learn and follow its lead. Other explicit and implicit promises must be kept as well. The forces will leave as soon as a mission is accomplished and there are no more wars and hidden agendas, Iraqis will not be forced to ally themselves with Israel against their fellow Arabs, or with consuming countries against producers, and its natural wealth will not be used to finance war bills and hungry US contractors.
Third: We need good partnership. America has a lot to offer and benefit from. It needs a stable region, oil flow and prices; we need technology transfer, access to US markets, and economic cooperation. Over-cautious security measures while understandable in the past should now be reassessed. Arab-Americans as well as Arab students, businessmen and visitors have been under strict watch for too long. Visa barriers and stories of FBI harassment made many choose other countries for their education, business and vacations. That is a big loss, since we need more understanding between our peoples that will only come with direct contact, over and above media misrepresentation and misinformation. Those who lived and worked in America are its best ambassadors to the world. Families will believe their kids’ reports about the good Americans and the inspiring American dream more than the media. Such human exchange is our best hope of overcoming the misunderstanding, defeat the dark forces of hate and war, and build a “civilized” bridge between our civilizations.
Fourth: Hyper-power requires hyper-awareness, sensitivity and modesty. Naturally, people are apprehensive of the powerful. To calm a world in shock and awe of mighty US, it needs to balance military might with civility might. Now that the war on Iraq has ended, the war for hearts and minds should restart in earnest.
Finally: It is not true that Arabs and Muslims have always been angry at America. The US has no colonial history, and except for the blind support of Israel and the Cold War propping-up of dictatorships and Arab dictators. We really have no issue with America — less so with the American people. Therefore, addressing the above will certainly eliminate the rational concerns, which feed irrational suspicions and give credence to misinformation and conspiracy theories. America, then, will be what it really is about — global peace, freedom and cooperation. Now, this is a war worth waging, and a victory worth fighting for.
Arab News Features 27 April 2003
Sunday, April 27, 2003
What Does America Want? What Do We Want?
Dr. Khaled M. Batarfi,
kbatarfi@al-madina.com
When asked by the Australian ABC Radio if I thought the war on Iraq was a Christian crusade against Islam and Muslims, I said no. In my opinion, this was a war led by an American administration driven by greed, religious convictions, ignorance and arrogance.
The trouble is, not every Muslim and Arab understands matters this way. Unlike the last Gulf War, the soldiers who fought in Iraq were mostly Protestant Christians. I try to explain things to my audience. Fortunately, I am helped by the millions of anti-war Christians who demonstrated en masse and made their stand known to their leaders and the world.
An Australian lady called the same day the interview was broadcast. She obviously did some research to get my office number. What she told me touched my heart and brought tears to my eyes. “Not in my name!” she said. “Not in my children’s name, and certainly not in my religion’s name was this war conducted. Thank you for telling your fellow Muslims and Arabs this truth. Please, in the name of God, keep fighting to spread this message. I know it is an uphill battle, but I promise you I will protest in every possible way, and you promise me to tell your people about us, the good, decent and peaceful Christians of the world.” I promised.
But all this is behind us now, and what is done is done. America is here now and I am willing to give her the benefit of the doubt. After all, we did get rid of a dictator, the Iraqis are liberated from an oppressive regime, and some of our worst fears were not realized — prolonged war, masses of refugees, and environmental catastrophes. These balance the realized fears: That we are unprepared for a power vacuum, lawlessness and ethnic-religious tension.
Now that we are neighbors, we need to be on good terms. We need our stronger neighbor to maintain peace and stability, and our neighbor needs us to help out with the advertised project of making the region more democratic, advanced and peaceful for the benefit of its people, the US and the world. If we agree that we need each other for a better future, the question becomes: What do we want from America, and what does America want from us?
I will start with what we want from America, since I know this part better. Next, I would like to hear from my American friends, readers, and officials what the US, country and people, want from us. This communication line will be my two-cent contribution to better Arab-US understanding, trust and friendship.
First: We need peace. You can’t have freedom and democracy, investment and prosperity in a war zone. What we know about the road map to peace is good enough to demand immediate publication and implementation. The Palestinians accepted the plan “as is”; the Israelis want to fundamentally change it. We expect the US to prove its good intentions and impartiality by demanding full acceptance and implementation from both parties, and rigorous supervision from the plan’s sponsors (the UN, the European Union, the USand Russia).
Second: We need reforms. Iraq is a test America cannot afford to fail. If Iraq can be modeled into a prosperous democracy while preserving its cultural heritage, territorial integrity, and racial cohesion, other countries could learn and follow its lead. Other explicit and implicit promises must be kept as well. The forces will leave as soon as a mission is accomplished and there are no more wars and hidden agendas, Iraqis will not be forced to ally themselves with Israel against their fellow Arabs, or with consuming countries against producers, and its natural wealth will not be used to finance war bills and hungry US contractors.
Third: We need good partnership. America has a lot to offer and benefit from. It needs a stable region, oil flow and prices; we need technology transfer, access to US markets, and economic cooperation. Over-cautious security measures while understandable in the past should now be reassessed. Arab-Americans as well as Arab students, businessmen and visitors have been under strict watch for too long. Visa barriers and stories of FBI harassment made many choose other countries for their education, business and vacations. That is a big loss, since we need more understanding between our peoples that will only come with direct contact, over and above media misrepresentation and misinformation. Those who lived and worked in America are its best ambassadors to the world. Families will believe their kids’ reports about the good Americans and the inspiring American dream more than the media. Such human exchange is our best hope of overcoming the misunderstanding, defeat the dark forces of hate and war, and build a “civilized” bridge between our civilizations.
Fourth: Hyper-power requires hyper-awareness, sensitivity and modesty. Naturally, people are apprehensive of the powerful. To calm a world in shock and awe of mighty US, it needs to balance military might with civility might. Now that the war on Iraq has ended, the war for hearts and minds should restart in earnest.
Finally: It is not true that Arabs and Muslims have always been angry at America. The US has no colonial history, and except for the blind support of Israel and the Cold War propping-up of dictatorships and Arab dictators. We really have no issue with America — less so with the American people. Therefore, addressing the above will certainly eliminate the rational concerns, which feed irrational suspicions and give credence to misinformation and conspiracy theories. America, then, will be what it really is about — global peace, freedom and cooperation. Now, this is a war worth waging, and a victory worth fighting for.
Arab News Features 27 April 2003
kbatarfi@al-madina.com
When asked by the Australian ABC Radio if I thought the war on Iraq was a Christian crusade against Islam and Muslims, I said no. In my opinion, this was a war led by an American administration driven by greed, religious convictions, ignorance and arrogance.
The trouble is, not every Muslim and Arab understands matters this way. Unlike the last Gulf War, the soldiers who fought in Iraq were mostly Protestant Christians. I try to explain things to my audience. Fortunately, I am helped by the millions of anti-war Christians who demonstrated en masse and made their stand known to their leaders and the world.
An Australian lady called the same day the interview was broadcast. She obviously did some research to get my office number. What she told me touched my heart and brought tears to my eyes. “Not in my name!” she said. “Not in my children’s name, and certainly not in my religion’s name was this war conducted. Thank you for telling your fellow Muslims and Arabs this truth. Please, in the name of God, keep fighting to spread this message. I know it is an uphill battle, but I promise you I will protest in every possible way, and you promise me to tell your people about us, the good, decent and peaceful Christians of the world.” I promised.
But all this is behind us now, and what is done is done. America is here now and I am willing to give her the benefit of the doubt. After all, we did get rid of a dictator, the Iraqis are liberated from an oppressive regime, and some of our worst fears were not realized — prolonged war, masses of refugees, and environmental catastrophes. These balance the realized fears: That we are unprepared for a power vacuum, lawlessness and ethnic-religious tension.
Now that we are neighbors, we need to be on good terms. We need our stronger neighbor to maintain peace and stability, and our neighbor needs us to help out with the advertised project of making the region more democratic, advanced and peaceful for the benefit of its people, the US and the world. If we agree that we need each other for a better future, the question becomes: What do we want from America, and what does America want from us?
I will start with what we want from America, since I know this part better. Next, I would like to hear from my American friends, readers, and officials what the US, country and people, want from us. This communication line will be my two-cent contribution to better Arab-US understanding, trust and friendship.
First: We need peace. You can’t have freedom and democracy, investment and prosperity in a war zone. What we know about the road map to peace is good enough to demand immediate publication and implementation. The Palestinians accepted the plan “as is”; the Israelis want to fundamentally change it. We expect the US to prove its good intentions and impartiality by demanding full acceptance and implementation from both parties, and rigorous supervision from the plan’s sponsors (the UN, the European Union, the USand Russia).
Second: We need reforms. Iraq is a test America cannot afford to fail. If Iraq can be modeled into a prosperous democracy while preserving its cultural heritage, territorial integrity, and racial cohesion, other countries could learn and follow its lead. Other explicit and implicit promises must be kept as well. The forces will leave as soon as a mission is accomplished and there are no more wars and hidden agendas, Iraqis will not be forced to ally themselves with Israel against their fellow Arabs, or with consuming countries against producers, and its natural wealth will not be used to finance war bills and hungry US contractors.
Third: We need good partnership. America has a lot to offer and benefit from. It needs a stable region, oil flow and prices; we need technology transfer, access to US markets, and economic cooperation. Over-cautious security measures while understandable in the past should now be reassessed. Arab-Americans as well as Arab students, businessmen and visitors have been under strict watch for too long. Visa barriers and stories of FBI harassment made many choose other countries for their education, business and vacations. That is a big loss, since we need more understanding between our peoples that will only come with direct contact, over and above media misrepresentation and misinformation. Those who lived and worked in America are its best ambassadors to the world. Families will believe their kids’ reports about the good Americans and the inspiring American dream more than the media. Such human exchange is our best hope of overcoming the misunderstanding, defeat the dark forces of hate and war, and build a “civilized” bridge between our civilizations.
Fourth: Hyper-power requires hyper-awareness, sensitivity and modesty. Naturally, people are apprehensive of the powerful. To calm a world in shock and awe of mighty US, it needs to balance military might with civility might. Now that the war on Iraq has ended, the war for hearts and minds should restart in earnest.
Finally: It is not true that Arabs and Muslims have always been angry at America. The US has no colonial history, and except for the blind support of Israel and the Cold War propping-up of dictatorships and Arab dictators. We really have no issue with America — less so with the American people. Therefore, addressing the above will certainly eliminate the rational concerns, which feed irrational suspicions and give credence to misinformation and conspiracy theories. America, then, will be what it really is about — global peace, freedom and cooperation. Now, this is a war worth waging, and a victory worth fighting for.
Arab News Features 27 April 2003
Sunday, April 20, 2003
‘Israel, Israel & Israel'
Dr. Khaled M. Batarfi,
kbatarfi@al-madina.com
It seems that all the Arab world — except for Kuwait — has nothing but expressions of anger toward both the United States and Britain. My recent articles, as many noted, are good examples. I went from praising America and writing about my positive experience in the US during my graduate years to bashing its foreign policy and focusing on its historical failings.
Many readers say that I am hypocritical and ask: Why do I so energetically point a finger at American mistakes, failures and biases, but fail to address those closer to home? If I accuse America of applying “double standards” in the Arab-Israeli conflict, am I not doing the same when I record Fox News bias and forget about Al-Jazeera, or when I talk about America’s racial discrimination and religious extremism but not ours, or when I tally American crimes, past and present, but forget those committed by Arabs and Muslims?
All the above are good questions. The Arab world does feel angry, sound angry, and look angry. The reason: We are angry! Why? The answer is to be found in history books as much as in Al-Jazeera and Arab News. The key words in this long story are: Israel, Israel and Israel.
In short, we cannot trust the intentions of a country that sees us through the Israeli lenses, which has vetoed some 80 Security Council resolutions that would have given us back what Israel owes us, and attacks a sovereign nation to disarm it of “alleged” weapons of mass destruction, while helping its neighbor (Israel) to improve on many more of them. We cannot trust a president who claims to care about the Iraqi people but not the Palestinians, the Turkish Kurds, the Chechens or the Kashmiris; and who enforces 17 UN resolutions on Iraq but ignores more than 70 on Israel; who calls Saddam a dictator and Sharon a “Man of Peace.”
As for the first Gulf War, it was different, totally different. Iraq then was the invader and occupier-the buster of world law and order. When USSR invaded Afghanistan the world acted the same way. So, we are being consistent when we give US the same treatment, this time. Add this to our “mistrust” of US intentions for the above reasons and you understand why the negative reaction.
It doesn’t help the optimists among us that the plan to invade Iraq and redraw the region’s map is public record. Deputy Secretary of Defense Paul Wolfowitz, Undersecretary Doug Feith, Lewis “Scooter” Libby, chief of staff to Vice President Dick Cheney, and neo-conservative high priest and Pentagon adviser Richard Perle are not shy about the “why” and “how.” Please check the plan at the http://www.israeleconomy.org/strat1.htm.
After all, they had to sell this plan, submitted to and turned down by Israeli former Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in 1996, to practical politicians, business and military hawks (and fanatic fundamentalists), not to Jeffersonian Democrats, libertarians, and idealist intellectuals. Knowing these published intentions, we cannot, for self preservation, help being against such imperialist-fundamentalist scheme.
As for our faults, yes I agree. We should focus more on our failings, problems and mistakes. It is natural, but not wiser, for people under attack to play victim. And it is easier for a victim to cry foul and blame the world for everything including his own blunders. Wrong! We should, now more than ever, start working on the problems that brought us this low. If the Ba’ath regime was the product of its own soil, the choice of its own people, and the benefactor of its own country it wouldn’t have been so easily defeated. Most Arab regimes are likewise.
I hope, but am not very optimistic, that they learn their lesson. The guarantee of national sovereignty, solidity and solidarity is the same everywhere. Governments should be representative of their peoples. They should acknowledge, respect and work to protect their rights and achieve their aspirations. The Arab world is still after half a century of its independence a permanent member of the Third World club, and dependent on its former colonizers for all its needs from bread and cheese to computers and Mercedes. Most countries are in debt, many on aid, and few live in oil-for-cash luxury.
Our education system is poor, investment and business environment overly protective and bureaucratic, governing and legislative system dictatorial and corrupt. Our media is biased, rhetoric stupid and our attitude toward the world and the other is in need of much maintenance. Most of us claim to be Muslims, but few are good ones. Too many of our intellectuals are either fanatically religious or radically liberal. The rest are caught in the cross fire.
For my fellow Arabs I say: What was done is done. America is “officially” here, and we are in for a long run. Whether we give it the benefit of the doubt or don’t trust its intentions, whether it is going to be the feared hell or the promised paradise, we have one, and only one course of action to take: Reforms.
To all my American friends, I say: Against all the odds I am willing to give the US the benefit of the doubt. But you must encourage your elected government to meet the world’s best expectations and live up to its advertised goals. Solving the Arab-Israeli conflict must be a priority. Rebuilding an Iraqi model of freedom and prosperity is another. Doing so will restore the American image the world have always admired — that of civility, generosity and principled policies. To this day, to this kind of America I long and salute.
Arab News Features 20 April 2003
kbatarfi@al-madina.com
It seems that all the Arab world — except for Kuwait — has nothing but expressions of anger toward both the United States and Britain. My recent articles, as many noted, are good examples. I went from praising America and writing about my positive experience in the US during my graduate years to bashing its foreign policy and focusing on its historical failings.
Many readers say that I am hypocritical and ask: Why do I so energetically point a finger at American mistakes, failures and biases, but fail to address those closer to home? If I accuse America of applying “double standards” in the Arab-Israeli conflict, am I not doing the same when I record Fox News bias and forget about Al-Jazeera, or when I talk about America’s racial discrimination and religious extremism but not ours, or when I tally American crimes, past and present, but forget those committed by Arabs and Muslims?
All the above are good questions. The Arab world does feel angry, sound angry, and look angry. The reason: We are angry! Why? The answer is to be found in history books as much as in Al-Jazeera and Arab News. The key words in this long story are: Israel, Israel and Israel.
In short, we cannot trust the intentions of a country that sees us through the Israeli lenses, which has vetoed some 80 Security Council resolutions that would have given us back what Israel owes us, and attacks a sovereign nation to disarm it of “alleged” weapons of mass destruction, while helping its neighbor (Israel) to improve on many more of them. We cannot trust a president who claims to care about the Iraqi people but not the Palestinians, the Turkish Kurds, the Chechens or the Kashmiris; and who enforces 17 UN resolutions on Iraq but ignores more than 70 on Israel; who calls Saddam a dictator and Sharon a “Man of Peace.”
As for the first Gulf War, it was different, totally different. Iraq then was the invader and occupier-the buster of world law and order. When USSR invaded Afghanistan the world acted the same way. So, we are being consistent when we give US the same treatment, this time. Add this to our “mistrust” of US intentions for the above reasons and you understand why the negative reaction.
It doesn’t help the optimists among us that the plan to invade Iraq and redraw the region’s map is public record. Deputy Secretary of Defense Paul Wolfowitz, Undersecretary Doug Feith, Lewis “Scooter” Libby, chief of staff to Vice President Dick Cheney, and neo-conservative high priest and Pentagon adviser Richard Perle are not shy about the “why” and “how.” Please check the plan at the http://www.israeleconomy.org/strat1.htm.
After all, they had to sell this plan, submitted to and turned down by Israeli former Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in 1996, to practical politicians, business and military hawks (and fanatic fundamentalists), not to Jeffersonian Democrats, libertarians, and idealist intellectuals. Knowing these published intentions, we cannot, for self preservation, help being against such imperialist-fundamentalist scheme.
As for our faults, yes I agree. We should focus more on our failings, problems and mistakes. It is natural, but not wiser, for people under attack to play victim. And it is easier for a victim to cry foul and blame the world for everything including his own blunders. Wrong! We should, now more than ever, start working on the problems that brought us this low. If the Ba’ath regime was the product of its own soil, the choice of its own people, and the benefactor of its own country it wouldn’t have been so easily defeated. Most Arab regimes are likewise.
I hope, but am not very optimistic, that they learn their lesson. The guarantee of national sovereignty, solidity and solidarity is the same everywhere. Governments should be representative of their peoples. They should acknowledge, respect and work to protect their rights and achieve their aspirations. The Arab world is still after half a century of its independence a permanent member of the Third World club, and dependent on its former colonizers for all its needs from bread and cheese to computers and Mercedes. Most countries are in debt, many on aid, and few live in oil-for-cash luxury.
Our education system is poor, investment and business environment overly protective and bureaucratic, governing and legislative system dictatorial and corrupt. Our media is biased, rhetoric stupid and our attitude toward the world and the other is in need of much maintenance. Most of us claim to be Muslims, but few are good ones. Too many of our intellectuals are either fanatically religious or radically liberal. The rest are caught in the cross fire.
For my fellow Arabs I say: What was done is done. America is “officially” here, and we are in for a long run. Whether we give it the benefit of the doubt or don’t trust its intentions, whether it is going to be the feared hell or the promised paradise, we have one, and only one course of action to take: Reforms.
To all my American friends, I say: Against all the odds I am willing to give the US the benefit of the doubt. But you must encourage your elected government to meet the world’s best expectations and live up to its advertised goals. Solving the Arab-Israeli conflict must be a priority. Rebuilding an Iraqi model of freedom and prosperity is another. Doing so will restore the American image the world have always admired — that of civility, generosity and principled policies. To this day, to this kind of America I long and salute.
Arab News Features 20 April 2003
Sunday, April 06, 2003
An Anglo-American Miscalculation!
Dr. Khaled M. Batarfi, Kbatarfi@al-madina.com
I told some friends a few weeks before the war on Iraq started that I was optimistic things would end well. They asked: How could that be, when the invaders are banging on Hell’s gate threatening to smash it open at any moment? I said: Because those who open the gates of Hell will be the first to be burned there.
Two weeks into the war, I reiterate again that the US and allies will only leave the swamp of Iraq after being taught a lesson like that of Vietnam — a lesson they forgot after their victory in the Second Gulf War and the Balkans wars (just) and the unjust Afghanistan invasion.
My reasons for this optimism are:
First: America has forgotten that great wars are not waged unilaterally. In each major war fought and won, America led a large international coalition, giving it legal and political cover and distributing the cost among participants.
Second: America has military superiority in conventional warfare. However, this is only useful when the goal is to kill and destroy, then leave. But in a war for occupation, you might need to fight your way into cities.
When armies meet and troops engage in street fight, mortar fire and missiles are neutralized. Defensive positioning, personal motivation, and precise knowledge of the battlefield become more important than bomb specs and missiles ranges. In this measure, the native worriers have the upper hand.
Third: America should know by now that military and economic superiority aren’t an alternative to political superiority. The latter is measured by the strength of one’s allies and the weakness of the enemy.
It is also judged by the extent of your success in convincing the concerned parities in the country and in the neighborhood that their interests agree with yours. Credibility is crucial here.
After inciting Iraqis to revolt in 1991 and then abandoning them, promising Turkey financial aid then forgetting about it, America no longer has enough credibility left to win hearts and minds.
Fourth: America hastened into this invasion without proper preparation. Its arrogance and haste did not allow for consulting with and listening to friends and allies in the region, opting instead to rely on Israel, Israel’s friends in the US, and mostly West-based opposition groups. All of whom have an interest in misleading the US into this historical trap.
In its haste and on misleading analysis and information, the US cut short many important steps, disregarded some valid scenarios, and underestimated many risks. This resulted in the American troops falling into an open swamp where they can be easily hunted and their supply lines easily disrupted.
Fifth: More military mistakes and angry reactions to failures mean higher causality figures. As a result, enmity increases in the country and the region, making the whole place unsafe for American occupiers. And with more angry Muslims, the whole world may become so.
Six: America thought that with its military superiority alone it could control two thirds of world oil reserves. It has thus united major powers such as Europe, Russia and China against such hegemony schemes. It has also worried a world that sees its international organizations unable to play its role in keeping the peace and providing the forums for solving international disagreements so long as America insists on playing the role of judge and executioner.
This way the US has guaranteed its political defeat even when the Iraqi regime crumbles. Its military failure will be confirmed by the death of hundreds of American soldiers, and its inability to provide long-term peace and stability in Iraq.
Therefore, I believe that America’s loss will be our gain as the international community look for a new power balance, more effective international organizations and just world order, and as America’s imperial aspirations are realized and scrutinized.
The Muslim nation (Ummah) will gain much more if it could realizes that the only way to prevent another invasion and humiliation is to concentrate on internal reform, regional co-operation and Islamic unity.
Arab News Features 6 April 2003
I told some friends a few weeks before the war on Iraq started that I was optimistic things would end well. They asked: How could that be, when the invaders are banging on Hell’s gate threatening to smash it open at any moment? I said: Because those who open the gates of Hell will be the first to be burned there.
Two weeks into the war, I reiterate again that the US and allies will only leave the swamp of Iraq after being taught a lesson like that of Vietnam — a lesson they forgot after their victory in the Second Gulf War and the Balkans wars (just) and the unjust Afghanistan invasion.
My reasons for this optimism are:
First: America has forgotten that great wars are not waged unilaterally. In each major war fought and won, America led a large international coalition, giving it legal and political cover and distributing the cost among participants.
Second: America has military superiority in conventional warfare. However, this is only useful when the goal is to kill and destroy, then leave. But in a war for occupation, you might need to fight your way into cities.
When armies meet and troops engage in street fight, mortar fire and missiles are neutralized. Defensive positioning, personal motivation, and precise knowledge of the battlefield become more important than bomb specs and missiles ranges. In this measure, the native worriers have the upper hand.
Third: America should know by now that military and economic superiority aren’t an alternative to political superiority. The latter is measured by the strength of one’s allies and the weakness of the enemy.
It is also judged by the extent of your success in convincing the concerned parities in the country and in the neighborhood that their interests agree with yours. Credibility is crucial here.
After inciting Iraqis to revolt in 1991 and then abandoning them, promising Turkey financial aid then forgetting about it, America no longer has enough credibility left to win hearts and minds.
Fourth: America hastened into this invasion without proper preparation. Its arrogance and haste did not allow for consulting with and listening to friends and allies in the region, opting instead to rely on Israel, Israel’s friends in the US, and mostly West-based opposition groups. All of whom have an interest in misleading the US into this historical trap.
In its haste and on misleading analysis and information, the US cut short many important steps, disregarded some valid scenarios, and underestimated many risks. This resulted in the American troops falling into an open swamp where they can be easily hunted and their supply lines easily disrupted.
Fifth: More military mistakes and angry reactions to failures mean higher causality figures. As a result, enmity increases in the country and the region, making the whole place unsafe for American occupiers. And with more angry Muslims, the whole world may become so.
Six: America thought that with its military superiority alone it could control two thirds of world oil reserves. It has thus united major powers such as Europe, Russia and China against such hegemony schemes. It has also worried a world that sees its international organizations unable to play its role in keeping the peace and providing the forums for solving international disagreements so long as America insists on playing the role of judge and executioner.
This way the US has guaranteed its political defeat even when the Iraqi regime crumbles. Its military failure will be confirmed by the death of hundreds of American soldiers, and its inability to provide long-term peace and stability in Iraq.
Therefore, I believe that America’s loss will be our gain as the international community look for a new power balance, more effective international organizations and just world order, and as America’s imperial aspirations are realized and scrutinized.
The Muslim nation (Ummah) will gain much more if it could realizes that the only way to prevent another invasion and humiliation is to concentrate on internal reform, regional co-operation and Islamic unity.
Arab News Features 6 April 2003
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